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2025-10-21 11:01:48

harryhaller@diaspora-fr.org

U.S. mercenary affirms CIA created Cartel de los Soles in Venezuela - Radio Habana Cuba - www.radiohc.cu — https://www.radiohc.cu/en/u-s-mercenary-affirms-cia-created-cartel-de-los-soles-in-venezuela/ Goudreau, known for leading the failed 2020 armed incursion against the Venezuelan government, dubbed “Operation Gideon,” claimed that the so-called “Cartel de los Soles” was a structure created by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) long before President Hugo Chávez Frías came to power.

“Back in the 1990s, the Cartel de los Soles was created by the CIA. This is no secret, I mean, this is the truth,” Goudreau stated. He added that this same structure is now being used to accuse President Nicolás Maduro, even though “it may not actually exist anymore.”

When asked to confirm whether the CIA was the creator of the organization, the mercenary responded emphatically: “Oh, absolutely. That’s nothing new.”

Jordan Goudreau exposes US gov't role in disastrous Venezuela coup plot https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_ZkpOZXeJGQ

#venezuela #ve #usa #cartel_de_los_soles #cia #goudreau #maduro #trump

@Acta Populi — 2025-10-21 03:42:02 U.S. mercenary affirms CIA created Cartel de los Soles in Venezuela radiohc.cu/en/u-s-mercenary-af…

2025-10-21 11:06:36

harry haller

harryhaller@diaspora-fr.org

TRANSCRIPT: Welcome to the Grey Zone. It's Max Blumenthal. Earlier today, I spoke to former US Green Beret and mercenary Jordan Gudro, who led the failed Operation Gideon plot to invade Venezuela in 2020 by sea and topple the government of Nicholas Maduro. It was a famously bungled operation that is mockingly referred to as the Bay of Piglets. And if you've been following our coverage at the Grey Zone for the past few years, especially our coverage of Venezuela, then you're very well familiar with the details of it. Jordan Gudro is treated as almost a laughingtock in US media, but as I've recently learned, there's a lot more to the story. Gudro is currently facing federal arms trafficking charges for transferring arms over the Colombian border. And he's now come forward to tell me in the gray zone his side of the story. He's provided us with extremely valuable court documents and FBI files containing details of those who were involved in the covert 2020 operation Gideon plot to topple the government of Venezuelan President Nicholas Maduro. These documents provide details of the Venezuelan coup plan that the public has never seen before. Uh they include FBI interviews with participants which demonstrate foreign knowledge or at least suggest foreign knowledge of the plot by Trump associates, leaders of the government of Colombia, CIA assets and officials working directly under Vice President Mike Pence and Donald Trump and strongly suggest their support for it. And in this interview, Gudro names these officials and also details potential CIA support for the plot. Jordan Gudro, former Green Beret and the face of Operation Gideon, which began as Operation Edgemont. Welcome to the Grey Zone. » Uh, thanks, Max. Appreciate it. Uh Jordan, you currently face arms trafficking charges from the US government stemming from your involvement in Operation Gideon, which was this high-profile attempted coup in Venezuela that's colloally referred to as the Bay of Piglets. It was sort of a mercenary operation gone wrong, at least on the face of it. Um, but as a result of your trial, you have gained access to documents that the public has never seen before that you say demonstrate that US officials, Trump administration officials and figures close to the Trump administration and the CIA knew about Operation Edgemont, which was the plan to invade Venezuela and arrest the country's president, Nicholas Maduro. And at the center of the story is a firm called Global Governments. Um I want you to talk about what Operation Edgemont is and tell us about the role of global governments, who was involved in that group and what were their objectives. Yeah. So let's so let me just take it one step at a time. So the actual they operation in of itself I I didn't you know there there's a lot of media and individuals and bad actors and whatnot. when the narrative came out, they were talking about how I was trying to find a way to flip Venez I wasn't. They, you know, Keith Schiller came to me, global governments came to me. Uh, I didn't even know there was an initiative to do such a thing. Obviously, back then, the Trump administration had been pushing for the CIA to find a way to get Maduro out. They were dragging their feet. This is evidenced by uh there's a great wired article well sourced several CIA you know um case officers were sources on that that article but essentially I get tasked to do this op and ultimately you know when you when you look at the the very first email I sent out to the global government's team which is in the discovery there's obviously a ton of discovery that's come out I even outlined that this will not be a bloody thing. This will be Venezuelans basically, you know, retaking their own country. Uh, and so I think my strategy and my certainly my intent for this op was to have Venezuelans um, take back their own country, right? And the way you do this, it's nuanced. I get it. You know, uh, on the surface and the the narrative is always going to be, well, this was a coup. These dirty mercenaries with This was not the plan. It was not the initial plan and it was never the plan. And obviously to do something like this, it's it's actually called a military coup. And so you use units close to um the president's well or the leadership in Venezuela. At that point, it was three different leaders. It was Maduro, Cabo, and Tariq. and you develop access and placement to those leaders who have access maneuver unit or uh task maneuver units. So these units you align yourself with through their through the asset whether it's a general whoever has access and these individuals do the heavy lifting. Now several factors made that possible although it took me about a year and a half to get access and placement. the fact that the all the pressure that was on the Maduro regime at the time was considerable. There was sanctions. There was, you know, launching of a carrier or a destroyer group much like there is now. There was, you know, tremendous amount of saber rattling in the news. There were uh popular rebellions. All such you all of this designed to put pressure on the Maduro regime. I was able to, like I said, get access to these these individuals because they were afraid. And I I think the audience needs to understand that there's a tipping point when it comes to flipping a country. You know, people surrounding a a tyrannical leadership aren't going to want to. It's not an easy decision for them to make to betray that leader simply because they have families. And so if it's mistimed and they stay close to the the tyrannical leader and another country comes in and a coup is successful then those individuals will be treated just as badly by the incoming element as the uh the target which would have been you know obviously Maduro Cabo Tariq and so it's really it's really difficult to get support. Now, obviously, when Mike Pompeo shut down the embassy in Caracus, it was virtually impossible for the CIA to run any meaningful human intelligence operations, which means they would have done what I did, which is just gained access placement and loyalty among um you know, Maduro, Cabo, and Tariq's generals or whomever, they would have done the same thing. But the the fact that Pompeo shut that embassy down made it impossible for the CIA. Um I didn't know at the time back then, but there was a civil war in the White House. you can ev I mean that's evidenced by the Russia collusion hoax stuff and all the evidence that's come out on that and then the uh the the Obama undermining you know the the Trump administration uh as well as I mean the the FBI were tapping Senator Holly's cell phone I guess so there there's these you know back then there were a lot of games being played uh trade crafty kind of games that were being played in the White House that I don't believe that the Trump administration was privy to. They didn't aware they weren't aware of the level of uh scrutiny and um I guess battle that they were under. Um but it's pretty clear now. And so I mean when when I look at the 302s more and more and when I look at the discovery uh it's more evident that this was the case. Um it's it's just proves what I have I guess been saying since the first discovery drop. And I mean there are several discovery drops coming you know every month or so which are spaced apart for uh I guess the reason of of a time and distance. I mean that plays to the hand of the the government but uh I think that's a that's a very weighty macro standpoint. Does that answer any of your questions Max? » Uh not not exactly. I mean, I wanted to I wanted you to talk about global governments and what it was and who was involved in it and where they fit into this plot. So maybe uh you know, thanks for that macro perspective, but this is sort of the » Yeah. » As as AOC, this would be the micro to the macro. » Sure. » Let's drill down in one of the interested parties. Yeah. of which there are obviously you have the intelligence community folks with the FBI and the DEA and uh Venezuelan opposition folks and then you have the element like my team that was trying to actually do the work um as being um you know hired by and directed by the Trump administration. And then the third component is the global governments. These are the guys who hired me. Their intent or their their piece in this was they wanted uh government they wanted uh business contracts and so they wanted a way to monetize I suppose the aftermath of uh a Maduro free Venezuela » basically to exploit Venezuela's resources and get construction contracts and drilling contracts and so on. » Correct. Right. drilling, mining, as you know, Venezuela's resourcerich. Um, also it needs to be reconstructed. Uh, humanitarian efforts, things of that nature. So, global governments would have had the the contract for all of this. I was brought in because the big hurdle to this was the fact that Venezuela was still under the control of Maduro, the Maduro regime, and they needed somebody to remove him. Right. In order to get that wealth, they needed you to remove them. To remove it. » Correct. » Okay. And so you have Rowan Craft who was a senior adviser to global governments who was an heir to the Craft family fortune and you have Keith Schiller who was close to the Trump organization. I guess he was Trump's bodyguard. Um you know what was his role and what were who who were these figures? So Keith Schiller, I mean it's it's funny that he's the bodyguard. He was the head of of White House operations, right? So » and and sorry to interrupt, but he had an ex an arms export control license. Correct. » He did. Right. Absolutely. And so he was ahead of White House operations I think until I don't know 2018 or something. And then uh and this is kind of you know it's that position is a pretty heavy title. Keith Schiller basically could come and go to the White House anytime he wanted. He's a very respected figure in the Trump administration. And so he approached me. I guess he learned some of the other work I had done um through maybe a mutual acquaintance. And so he contacted me and asked me to come to a meeting which I agreed to. Um Rowan Craft, head of the Craft Dynasty, is a well-connected guy. I mean, he was making phone calls to Admiral um Fer, who was selfcom commander. This was in the very first meeting. He was um I mean you read about all this in the discovery. He made a phone call to uh Elliot Abrams, which as it stands, I mean, one of the one of the Venezuelan opposition uh people who worked for Leold Lopez had a meeting with Elliot Abrams in the White House, » right? » As did he have a meeting, you know, several meetings. There were several, you know, the these individuals I was dealing with on a firstname basis and, you know, coming up with tactical operations and strategic operations were Venezuelan opposition guys. These guys seem to have the run of the white house. They were able to have their uh some of their compatriots like Christopher Figueroa taken off the sanctions list. Christopher Figareroa is the head of the was the head of the Sabine. He was a torturer and yet you know uh he was given uh you know complete clean slate. I think Forbes did an article on him and said this is the this is a real Venezuelan and and I you know I talked to people who he had tortured. So these guys were brie with Mike Pompeo, Elliot Abrams, John Bolton, all of these DC power players. And I was in, you know, I was in uh Colombia with these guys trying to figure it out. But don't let me go too far down the rabbit hole, Max. » Well, let's let's drill this down. So Netor Science, this is someone who shows up in the Discovery documents that I've reviewed. Uh what role did he play in this? because I believe he was the one who introduced you to global governments and promised to connect you to Elliot Abrams and John Bolton who were in the White House about the plot. Yeah. So Nester Yeah. Nester put me in touch with um global governments. He was in the room in the very first meeting as was um you know was George Bettincort uh who was obviously he's the guy you know » Jorge Bettincourt was uh Venezuelan a Venezuelan sort of expat opposition activist right and he » said he was he had contacts in the CIA » yeah so he was meeting frequent the CIA uh he was meeting with the the Colombian intelligence uh the DN Colombian DNI and he would speak freely about it. Uh so he was an asset uh for these intelligence agencies. He was in the room the very first uh meeting in in I guess it was uh Miami as was global governance who were basically an envoy for the Trump administration to try to get this uh you know the ball rolling on this entire thing. And so you had the this setup. You had these two entities, right? You had the int this intelligence community and you had um you had the global governments guys and then you had my team in the middle. So » and so your your team was basically the muscle. You were going to kick in the doors and get it done. And » no, I'm not I mean maybe metaphorically, but I'm not interested in the you know invasion. that would be an Eric Prince if if that was you know I had seen his perspectus and and his uh you know what he was kind of trying to sell at that point and that was invasion I I didn't » you know Eric Prince from Blackwater who's very close to Trump incorporated was furnishing a prospectus and trying to raise money for an armed invasion of Venezuela and you saw it » right and so yeah and I so I think that I am, you know, about half of my training in special operations is human intelligence, quite frankly. I mean, we learn it very early on. We weren't we we learn to work by with and through people on the ground. And so, I'm not interested in banging it out with Venezuelan regulars, right? Otherwise, it's it kind of defeats the purpose. And so the the big the idea is I'm going to use Venezuelan units in order to encircle and capture uh Maduro Tariq and Dest Alisami Destre and Nicholas Maduro. » Correct. You need Caracus. I mean if if Chavez taught us anything with this first coup, it was you need Caracus. And to be perfectly honest, this was a triumvirate. It was Cababo and it was uh Tariq and it was Maduro, right? And so to be to be perfectly clear, I didn't care if anybody was captured. I just wanted these guys out. I wanted to get my guys in um so that I could bring about fair and free elections. In the interim, there would have been a huna which would have had uh you know Gaido and a few others in there just to bring about these fair and free elections. And that was that was kind of the you know that was that was the intent that I personally had going forward. » Um and so John you're telling me that John Bolton and Elliot Abrams knew about Operation Edgemont your plot which would become Operation Gideon and they had some involvement in it. I mean, c can can we can can you be as clear as possible about that and how high this went? » Yeah. So, I think it's pretty obvious that Elliot Abrams was contacted by Rowan Craft. He was also having meetings with the Venezuelan opposition strategic, I guess, leadership in George Batten Court, which to be honest, you can't find his name in the news anywhere. it's well protected. That said, I mean, it's I' I've read it. Uh, and so because of that, you have National Security Adviser who knows full well that this is happening. And then you have obviously Mark Esper who alludes to this in his book. He alludes to a meeting between Claver Cardonz, which again, Claver Cardone met with George Batten Court. Um and so when you have these highlevel national security advisor meeting with delegations from other countries and these delegations are talking to me and Trump's inner circle about you know liberating or flipping whatever you want to say Venezuela. It is at that point there there's no denying the fact that this was at the highest levels of government and that there were opposing views on how what was going to be done with this operation. And you mentioned Leapoldo Lopez as well. He is sort of the godfather of the pushist arm of the Venezuelan opposition. The the part of the Venezuelan opposition that wants to stage a military coup. He had actually been involved in a military coup. He's heavily backed by the government of Spain and the US government. And you said that he had some knowledge of this plan as well. » Absolutely. So he his man is George Benton Court. His other man is Lester Toed and these guys were greased in with um you know the US intelligence, Colombian intelligence. And furthermore, they were greased in with the the uh the Rendon group, which not to be confused with JJ Rendon, but the I think they call it uh » yeah, John Rendon, right? » Yeah. TRG, the Ren the Rendon group. And these guys were doing they had been doing infrastructure attacks or helping uh you know, facilitate infrastructure attacks in Venezuela for I don't know decade or so. Um, and obviously, as you know, these are all TSSCI projects that the CIA oversees in these private companies. Um, anytime you see the lights go out in Venezuela, there was I think there was a a big nuclear reactor that or sorry, a um » the the it was a hydroelectric dam that went out in I believe 2019 and caused power outages across Karacus. There was, but there was something else, Max. There was a big attack and it killed killed a lot of Venezuelans. Um, so anyways, » yeah. So, so these Oh, about the I don't I I don't know that it was in Marico. I'm getting this wrong, but it was refinery that was attacked. » Yeah, that's correct. um tens of ten I want I don't I don't know the number of how many Venezuelans were killed but this attack was perpetrated by you know US intelligence working with um Venezuelan opposition I guess you could say saboturs um so I there's » go ahead » yeah there's a longstanding history of the the CIA working and I you know I have a secret recording with um the god it's George Batten Court Lester Toed with one of there's a there's a guy that I had had to take a secret recording they were talking about how they don't trust Donald Trump and that they only trust the CIA they only trust Juan Cruz. Um and it's plain as day about the the the allegiance where the allegiances are to these individuals. They're not aligned with Trump. their line against Trump. And I think, you know, if I may, like fast forwarding now, when you look at the dynamic with Maria Karina, how does anybody tr how does the Trump administration trust any of the opposition leadership from Venezuela? So, you have a very a very detached um relationship between these individuals. So, you know, and I think the the the media narrative on all of this has been uh you obviously have there's an individual who writes for the AP who's been gunning for me for a long time and you know he comes up with the the he his word choice is pretty careful. He talks about tacit approval. There was no tacit approval. There are no bones about it. I was tasked to do this. I was given verbal authority to do this by several parties who were working for the government. Um, but I I I do I do think that when when you look at when you when you peel back the layers and you simplify it, there are sides to this and the sides are quite clear. » Yeah. when you which side what what are the sides » you have an intelligence community that um has been obviously I mean I saw you reporting the other day in the '9s cartel the Solless was stood up by the CIA this is no secret I mean this is the truth I mean I » this is the cartel which Nicholas Maduro is said to be in charge of but may be actually defunct and you're confirming that it was set up by the CIA in the '9s » Wow. Absolutely. This is not um we've known this for quite some time. » According to what the former head of the Drug Enforcement Administration told Mike Wallace, this drug shipment got here courtesy of what he calls drug trafficking by the CIA in partnership with the Venezuelan National Guard. » Um yeah, » the cartel of Sons is kind of a joke among us because it's I mean they didn't name themselves that. It's it's there's a there's a patch on their uniform that that there's a son and so the I I guess the DEA or whoever named them this um but the facilitation of the drugs by the CIA from this group is well it's well documented and so you have this side of it right you have you have an intelligence agency that quite frankly they they're they will withstand um changes in presidency and so they have their TSSCI projects running and their ability to facilitate and to aggregate resources from drug trade. Um, and this is what they're trying to protect. So, how does it benefit them to get rid of Nicholas Maduro, right? Like, it really doesn't. You can argue, you know, well, Monroe doctrine, you have to have white space in Venezuela and surrounding areas of the Caribbean so that Russia, China can't get a strategic foothold. But um the other side of the coin is and this is obviously what the Trump administration is is, you know, this is one of the reasons they're they're pressuring the Maduro regime and were back then or at least they should be. They should be falling back on the Monroe Doctrine. I know that, you know, largely they're relying on the fact that Venezuela is a narco state, but that's but that's the irony, right? I mean, okay. Um, Venezuela is an ARCO state, but their partner is the CIA. Is it I mean um I don't know how to square that, right? » Yeah. Yeah, I mean my understanding is it's more of a pro state and responsible for only a fraction of cocaine exports to the United States, but it seems to be and this is I think extraneous to our conversation or we can kind of cover it later but just for the purpose of context it seems to be a target because of its oil wealth and its socialistoriented sort of nationalist resource government uh being targeted undercover of a drug war. Um there's an official actually who's been involved in the targeting of Venezuela for years who operated out of the State Department but seems to wear a different hat uh potentially a hat at Langley and his name is Juan Cruz and he's come up in the discovery documents through your case. Can you tell us about Juan Cruz, who he is and how he fits into this story? Yeah. So, Juan Cruz was the go-to for George Bancen Court and Lester Toed. He was, as far as I know, he was their guy like uh you know, the the the face of the intelligence agency for these two individuals, which would have really made him their handler. Uh they referenced him by name. and he uh he had some strange things to say about me when he was interviewed after the fact after all this went went down. And so he is uh one of the other evidences of uh US intelligence involvement or sabotage. And you're you're saying Juan Cruz was operating under State Department cover as a CIA handler of these two Venezuelan opposition figures who were seeking to sort of finesse a private regime change operation. Uh Jorge George Bettton Court and Lester Toledo. » Correct. what his capacity what what capacity he was working for for the agency is unknown to me but it's not out of the realm of possibility that he was a knock or some other you know form of agent obviously Juan Cruz » been around for a while he has deep connections » indeed um so Lester Toledo introduced you to this Venezuelan general who's a very shady character who was controversial like Toledo and Bettin Court didn't like him. His name is Clever Alcala. Correct. » Correct. and you wound up working with him in the jungle in Colombia um sort of to stage the invasion or intervention in Venezuela with Alcala and his men who are who are um you know rebelling against the Venezuelan military. » Right. Right. And so this general was trusted by a lot of the generalship in Venezuela. Um, Juan Gaido was not at all. » Yeah, » this is why the popular rebellion failed miserably. They did not have the support of the military. Yeah, » Juan Gaido had the support of the CIA. Um, and they were helping with that little, you know, April 19th thing, but they did not have the support of the military. uh as a result this was in complete contrast to what I had you know had set up as a result it failed and so the difference for for my op was that I had I had essentially access and placement and I had assets who trusted the general um they tolerated the fact that I was working with Gaido but they did not trust Gaido they did However, trust General Alkala. General Alkala was a strong opponent of Nicholas Maduro. Um, checkered past. Sure. That said, he was from what and I I had the opportunity to ops test him for about a year and he showed no signs of deception. uh he never lied to me and his part of the operation really was this is this is the the nuance of when you're putting together an operation like this. I don't need everybody to be playing in the sandbox nicely together, but I do need certain pieces not to attack other pieces. And in this instance when the United States arrested General Alkala, you can imagine the fallout in Kacus with my with my assets, my trusted assets. The the man that they trusted was now getting taken by the United States. And there were a lot of questions they had in their minds. It made them fearful. You remember before when I talked about how people close to Maduro were fearful? I mean, you know, we were bombing Iranian generals back then. We were saber rattling, but they were fearful. They were fearful if Maduro left power. They wanted to be on the right side of things. Anybody in that position who's in a position of power in the orbit of somebody who's a target wants to be on the right side when something unfolds, if something unfolds. And if it doesn't, then they still need to have the um the loyalty of that person who's targeted this case, Maduro. Does that make sense? Yes. » So you were working with Alcala in Colombia at a time when Colombia had a very pro- US government that was working with all of the US agencies, Pentagon, CIA, DIA, all that stuff. Uh under Ivan Duk. Now Colombia's government, you know, at least the president is a leftist, Gustavo Pro. But at that time, Colombia was sort of a base of operations against Venezuela. I interviewed Nicholas Maduro. He told me, you know, the Colombian government was heavily involved in plotting with John Bolton, an attempt on his life, the drone attack. So, what what kind of contacts did you have with the Colombian government and what role did they play in Operation Gideon? So I had um I had phone call which was brokered by Lester Toledo. Um Yvon Duk basically promises for this operation like camps and freedom of movement and then uh border ability to cross borders things of that nature. The caveat being that we had to attack the ELN. Right. And this this was a very strange request for » Yeah, it was strange. I was like, uh, I don't know that I never really was going to I'm never going to do it. Was it was kind of ridiculous. Anyways, uh, Yvon Duk, you know, I went on W Radio and Yvon Duk I I said this on W Radio and Yon Duk called into W Radio. Wradio is a probably the largest radio station all Latin America. It's it's a, you know, tens million, you know, or sorry, hundreds of millions of listeners. » Yeah. and I'm in Miami like we're taping and I say this and Ivon Duks into the studio and he says I don't know I've never met Lester Toed. I've never met you know any of these people. I don't know this person. I don't know that person. And I promptly produced a uh you know photos of Yvon Duk with you know Lester Toledo and but the the just the fact that the president would call into a radio station and he felt that strongly about it was uh I think that was » when was this interview? » Oh it was I think it was about a year ago. » Okay. Yeah. Ivon Duk is now a sort of like a club DJ in Miami. So he's probably listening at the time. » Oh yeah. Uh and so so here's I guess the nuance of the the Ivon Duk sort of piece of it. Yvon Duk was the president and he was aligned with Juan Gaido, um Leo Lopez, CIA and obviously Colombian intelligence. Um when everything went bad, » Colombian intell uh there was a Colombian intelligence there, two Colombian intelligence operatives who went into the AO in Bogota and they had asked the green suitor compatriots, the SCOPS, green suitors, uh American green suitors who were working. They asked if the the green suitors would help them do a scop against me. Uh to which the green suitors said, "No, we we don't do that against Americans, American citizens." But the you know, and the the one of the other small pieces to them, it's not a small piece. the shell game with all of the the guns and all of these things. When this when the individual was arrested at a checkpoint and had a I guess a trunk full of guns, there were two gentlemen in the back seat of the car. These two men were never identified. They were never interviewed. They basically left. the driver of the car, he ended up uh dying under mysterious circumstances a year later. » Wow. » So, I think you kind of imagine um how that that shakes out. » Wait, wait. Uh give me the background on this incident. Uh » this this was in Colombia. Um this was one of the first sabotage events that the Colombian intelligence uh uh you know under the probably request from the US CIA/ you know Bettton Court to whoever they have these guys actually you know do this um this is when we're in our final corridor like I'm my my operation's imminent » um » this car is stopped at a checkpoint point and two men, military age males, as it's reported, they get out of the car. They are not, you know, and there's a there's a trunk full of guns. They are not arrested. They are not questioned. They are not identified. They go about their merry way. The driver dies of mysterious circumstances a year later. So I mean math on that is um you know they didn't want anyone talking right so you had some trouble with global governments the codory of businessmen and consultants who wanted to get a regime change op going in order to get contracts and resources es out of Venezuela. They basically weren't paying you as you were doing the work. And so a figure named JJ Rendon enters the picture. He's sort of the super consultant for the Latin American pro- US factions. The pro- US more like right of center right-wing political factions. Very well- paid person. And he comes forward with money for the contract. Juan Guyaido's name is on this contract which specified the goal of the operation to quote capture, detain, remove Maduro and the current regime from power and install Wine Guyaido in its place. And you were given you were offered a quote unquote success bonus of $10 million. Um, and the total project cost was earmarked for something like well exactly $212.9 million. So, was this the main source of funding for Operation Gideon? And did you ever receive the money from the figures? » Yes. Oh, sorry. Yeah. So, Rendone, he essentially put a down payment. There was a retainer of 1.5 million. This essentially would have covered the first part of the operation which was really just a link up. I had sent in um an operative to do an OPE operational prep the environment, safe houses, uh you know, trucks, things of that nature. This and this op was separate from the Gideon piece, right? This was kind of the op within the op. I had uh three boats ready to go to try to, you know, do this. One was a civilian boat, different landfall locations, but um coming back to it, I don't want to drill down too deep. It's a pretty deep hole. » So, yeah. So, give me the initial question again, Max. Sorry. » Essentially, where did the money come from and what was the role of Rendone and Guyaido? So the initial price tag for a linkup was was would have been well covered in 1.5. Um that said I needed to know that these individuals were serious because global governments was they they weren't able to get the contract signed. Global governments remained but it was now I got the contract signed and so they were more working under my contract. I wasn't necessarily a massive services contract holder, but I did hold the contract with the sitting president. This was very interesting for Keith Schiller um and all of global governments to include Mike Pompeo's lawyer, Travis Lucas, George Soral, Donald Trump's lawyer, everybody in this power circle in DC that I had met right after I got the contract signed. the money was. I mean, I'm a I'm a Green Beret at heart. I'm a special operations guy. Um, I will find the money and I'm a business guy. I I have to be able to to traverse the tactical, the strategic, the logistic, the business, the political layers of any operation like this. Um, and so I put my, you know, I I I um I had investors and uh we were able to piece together what we needed to do in order to move the operation forward » and and did you have any contact with Guyaido or Rendone? » Yeah. » Yeah. So, absolutely. I had several meetings with Renone in Florida. He insists that there's things in the contract. He says in the contract it says that they could cancel any time and but the contract clearly states that there's no cancellation for convenience. Furthermore, I never received an email to cancel any contract. Um I I had a Zoom call. I I recorded a secret phone call with uh Juan Gaido and in that phone call it's you know basically there's a lawyer um who you know he he facilitates the the contract signing over Zoom and you hear one guy who clearly signing the contract several people in the room and so I uh obtain the contract uh from the sitting president or the well the recognized president in Venezuela at that point. I mean, when I took that I the next day I had a meeting with several powerful people in in the you know the inner inner circle Trump's inner circle after that after that contract was signed a few hours later I have this meeting in Trump hotel uh and then a few meetings after that they have a meeting in the White House. » Wow. Okay. So, speaking of the White House, uh you did have contact uh according to these discovery documents with the vice president's office. Uh one name that comes up a lot is Drew Horn, who was a policy adviser to Vice President Mike Pence. And then you mentioned Travis Lucas, who was a lawyer working for Pence, and George Soral, who was a lawyer for the Trump Organization. Um and I think » right » yeah so how did you make contact with the vice president's office and what did the contact consist of? Yeah. So, global governments, this is the part that's really funny to me, Max, when when certain journalists try to claim that I'm claiming tacid approval. The discovery um the discovery says otherwise. There was several meetings with me and this individual. This individual is wellconed in DC. He um horn he is obviously if you look where he is now he's working on a project with Keith Schiller in Greenland through Greenmat. I mean these individuals are very close. Um it's no secret that was one of the first initiatives that the administration started when when they took office this time around. Um Travis Lucas is a Mike Pompeo lawyer. George Soriel, as you said, is you know the the the Trump lawyer in charge of Trump uh foundation and so these guys are uh the very trusted individuals in the circle. Furthermore, they wanted not they but one of those individuals wanted me to meet with the president which I refused. Um, I thought that was any president requires deniability. They require a certain level of distance from any operation of this. That said, I knew there there was no doubt in my mind that I absolutely had approval to do this, that I I was given the approvals by two individuals to do this. Um, and I'm a soldier. As long as, you know, we don't, the general doesn't have to come down and tell us you, you know, you're approved. Do the mission. We we see, you know, individuals working in that that entity. And, um, we believe we believe it if it's if if it's credible. And these individuals were credible. I had no reason to not believe what they were saying. they're credible and they were high level officials or connected to high level officials in an official capacity and » right and and it's it's not just that it's when in the middle of this it's you know I was sending several RFIs through this individual who these RFIs were reaching the highest levels right because I I was asking things like I need to know if Juan Gaido has to you know is he the guy because I'm there's a lot of push back on the you know I was asking some very specific questions also these you know this this individual who was working for the government was helping facilitate uh and get support for this operation so it you know the whole task of uh that's like kind of ridiculous to me when I read the the discovery and so the another group enters the picture uh late 2019 or I don't know exactly when but it's called virtual democracy and they were um pitching plans to Drew Horn who was the policy advisor for Mike Pence. Uh it was sent to his one plan was sent to his White House email account on December 8th, 2019 and it basically spelled out ideas for toppling Maduro. Can you talk about that? Yeah, I mean there were several that that you know that individual was trying to find initiatives to get this done. When I first met with him, » who who you talking about? » Horn. » Horn. Okay. » He was incredibly excited that somebody was working on this. Um, and you know, I I was obviously I was put I I was put in that position by global government. But he was ex he was ecstatic and so he worked we worked together for several months to to try to push this forward. He gave me um you know he relayed authorization at the highest level that this was authorized and um you know things like we don't care how bloody it is um when this is done the money will flow you know this was exact quote right it's like so I I felt I was in good hands this guy he was greased in the national security council I didn't trust them he was a fel he was a green beret um I had no reason to think that he was not who he said he was. And he was who he said he was. Um, yeah. » We We don't care how bloody it is. When it's done, the money will flow. That's an exact quote. Is that in writing somewhere? » No, that's not writing. That's just » that's something he told you verbally. which to me, you know, like I said before, I don't I I never want for me, the more elegant the plan, the simpler the plan. Um the easier it is to to defend the counter coup piece, right? If there's lots of war and strife and if it's a invasion, a counter coup is tougher because you you create a lot of hard feelings. If it is if it is as simple and as elegant as Maduro's generals flipping because they see um Americans and uh we are force of catalyst. It's much more seamless. And what's more is it's not it's not so much a coup. It's just you know a country um taking control of its own a you know having agency of its own democratic process. I guess um you know the moral implications of » Sorry, go ahead. » No, I'm I'm just saying I know that I know that there's a lot of heartache with and I I'm I'm certainly not a proponent of invasion for the purpose of regime change just for you know uh exploiting resources. I do think that in the case of Venezuela back then there a case could be made and certainly having talked to a lot of the locals and spent spending time with individuals, I do think the case could be made that um a strong case could be made that there is a there was a justification for um removing Maduro in favor of fair and free elections. That said, the way you do it is equally as important important as the fact and and sometimes more important as as what happens after the fact. Does that make sense? Like I I would never invade a country and impose um I I I think that is I think that's a slippery slope. Well, this group Virtual Democracy was proposing that in the email that Drew Horn received at his official White House email account, they were calling for training up to 500 fighters at Camp Moyak in North Carolina, which is run by Eric Prince and his mercenary firm Academy, which used to be known as Blackwater. Um, but that plan never went forward. Prince doesn't have anything in the works to your knowledge. » Here's what I'll tell you about that. Like when you look at the strategic that and everything at the strategic briefs really well. I'm going to tell you that right now. when it comes down to the tactical level, 500 men versus a concentration of say, oh, I don't know, 50,000 troops who have the run of a city. Um, and pretty decent air support with their Sukcoys versus Eric Prince's helicopters. I don't know that that would have ever scratched the paint. Do you understand? The notion that I'm going to cowboy up with 60 dudes in fishing boats and somehow I'm going to E and E through, you know, oh, I don't know, 100,000 regulars. We're going to That's not realistic, right? What is realistic is what was supposed to happen, which was a landfall of these two boats um along the coast, low-level operations, no skirmishing with the regular Venezuelan regulars, and then my civilian boat, you know, making its way into a civilian marina in civilian clothes, meeting with, you know, high level assets in uh Venezuela. That's a That's an easy op, right? What Eric Prince was calling for, I just I I don't see the uh the viability of that. I don't know that it could have worked. Well, I I want to I want to cover that just a little bit later, but first I want to ask you about another reference to the Operation Edgemont/Gideon plot, uh, which took place during a meeting with Venezuelan's opposition and then Secretary of Defense Mark Esper, who ran the Pentagon for a period under the first Trump term. And in his memoirs, Esper said that one of Guyaido's colleagues told him, quote, "We have some plans the US government knows we are working on that aren't ready yet." Um, and Esper said he left the meeting after the plans were brought up. So, what do you make of Esper's admission? It seems to be the most highlevel admission of fornowledge and possible involvement by the Trump administration. » Yeah, absolutely. I uh I I think that um when I read through the discovery, it is painfully obvious that the intelligence community knew, National Security Council, everybody in those councils knew. Um furthermore, my prosecution is really a cover up. It's, you know, the the my prosecution was initiated from the national security uh component of the DOJ. Um that component is run by a guy named John Eisenberg. John Eisenberg was placed in the initial Trump administration as national security adviser by um Michael Flynn. General Flynn, General that that you know John Eisenberg was National Security Council. He was in the White House the time Keith Schiller was in the White House. So these two individuals were working together. Um I don't like where I'm where I come from that's a conflict of interest, right? And although you know John Eisenberg did not initiate this prosecution, he certainly inherited it and he certainly knows who I am. So it's interesting stuff. I don't mean to get off track but you know the connections in this are » pretty alarming. » No, no, that is alarming and I I wasn't aware of it before. So, so John Eisenberg was or no, he is the US assistant attorney general for the NSC. Um, he was appointed or installed in that position in June 2025. And you said he's overseeing your prosecution, » right? And before that, he was deputy counsel to Donald Trump himself and he was a legal adviser to the NSC in Trump's first term. So he » he was around he was in the room with people who you say had direct knowledge of your plot and now he's trying to basically put you in the slammer to shut you up. » Right. Seems that way. Um, furthermore, to go back to the room with Mark Esper, » yeah, » the admission because Claver Cardonas was there, national security adviser back then and now, I believe he was in the room. So, it is not out of the realm of possibility that the individual that Mark Esper is talking about is George Betton Court because George Bettin Court had made similar statements to me. Uh, and that is in black and white. So » George Benort being someone you described as a CIA asset, someone who was » coordinating between the opposition and US intelligence. » Correct. Right. » And and so you had these backers um within global governments initially, then Renon signs a contract with you. Um, did you have any potential backers for the day after in the event of a success that would seek Venezuelan resources and contracts in Venezuela the day after Maduro? » Uh, yes, absolutely. This was global governments, right? Okay. » So once this moves forward and and then so the trunch of money which was the promise by Horn and I think you saw back then I think the bounty was probably 15 million and if I might you know the that would have probably hit the account pretty quickly. The the big fear of somebody like me is if obviously the if everything goes to plan and we are not sabotaged by you know the intelligence agency and the Venezuelan opposition. Maduro and his his guys they flee the country captured whatever it is. But this is the point where in a coup where you have to defend against the counter coup. I needed men on the ground. I needed Americans on the ground and this would be the security component. I needed armed Americans who were uh trained to a high level, special operations level on the ground um 60 or so in order to help defend against the counter coup. Furthermore, these individuals would have worked by with and through the local militaries the assets that I had previously described these these individuals. So my men would have pieced in into these um these units and essentially helped uh maintain law and order um and bring about fair and free elections in I don't know say a year or so depending obviously after humanitarian aid is restored or is uh you know orders restored humanitarian aid has been distributed. » Okay. It sounds like a hairbrain scheme from my point of view. Uh it sounds like it never had any chance of success. And you've described a potential larger operation of trained mercenaries in the US as something that wouldn't even scratch the paint of the Venezuelan military, which is, you know, a fairly they have some fairly well-trained regulars. Caracus is encircled with various layers of security. There are air defenses, they have an air force, they're, you know, they're able to compete with the Colombian military. So why would you have thought that your operation would have succeeded? Why did you, in your own words, cowboy up with just a small detachment of men? » So I think you're missing it, Max. That's exactly what I was doing. Do you understand? » Explain. » Yeah. Okay. So what I'm saying is it would have been hairbrain if Yeah. We go in with 60 dudes. That's not possible. This is the counter coup. Do do you understand? We're in a different phase at this point. Hypothetically, right? So, hypothetically, if Maduro, if my units are alerted, I make my link up um and Maduro's the highle assets activate Venezuelan regulars. These Venezuelan regulars now take care of Maduro, Cabo, and Tariq. These guys are now off the table, but there's an element of chaos, right? And so what I'm saying is I now need to establish some semblance of order. I need to establish a hunda. I need a, you know, a leadership, a group of leaders that can govern um a country without leadership. This is where I bring in 60 Americans just for security. This is they're not fighting anybody. They're basically tying in with Venezuelan regulars and they're going to essentially uh work by with and through these regulars. Um the the the hard part's done essentially. There's no fighting, right? There's no nobody's fighting anybody. Furthermore, um we establish this ha in order to bring about some semblance of leadership and fair and free elections. Does that is that you tracking Yeah. I mean, this is your your theory on the operation and how it would ideally play out. » This is this is evidenced by I mean, this is essentially what they did in Bolivia, right? And this is largely we're we're just there. We're not there to govern or do anything. We're not doing conducting military operations. We're working kind of like you're trained to do, right, in any I guess special operation capacity for a Green Beret, which is to train, advise and assist like the Iraqis, right? So in Iraq, you you know, Green Beret units will work by with and through uh Iraqi units. So in Venezuela it would have been similar but much easier because you have generals who have now removed um Maduro, Tariq and Cabo. Uh a temporary leadership has been established and so now it's you know we have to basically survive 3 months of potential counter coups. The way we do that is we essentially try to align the existing military under the temporary leadership. » Okay. And and you're coming in on on fishing boats. Uh » no different Max, those are a different group of people. » So how you were going to come in on land secretly and link up with » No, this is generals. So let's let's go back. Um so the first part of the operation is a link up. This is the 60 people in boats, right? And then a small boat with Americans. The American contingent with some Venezuelans gets off in a a marina and it's basically just a link up. We're linking up with assets in Venezuela who have task and maneuver units. Powerful people who are embedded with Maduro. Does that make sense? » I mean, it it doesn't make sense to me because I've been to Venezuela several times and I kind of have seen a picture of the society that I don't think was well understood or is well understood by the US, which is there that Maduro has a large base of support and that the war for Venezuela is basically a class war. It's basically the middle class and the upper class want to oust Maduro and then you have masses of people who literally weren't on the map before Maduro's predecessor who was elected you know he didn't just steal power Ugo Chavez uh they they support him and the military largely comes from that element and is supported despite heavy sanctions and is supportive of the broader structure of what they call the Bolivarian revolution um which has used oil wealth to benefit the population and the military. » I mean the military prior to Chavez was just sort of a neoc colonial military was not very not not as formidable. So why would you or anyone around you have thought that you could dislodge key leadership in the military for example um you know the defense minister from this power structure like it didn't it never made sense to me it doesn't seem like there's this popular ferment for an armed revolution in which Americans would come in and advise it seemed more like From an outsers's perspective, you were coming in there with the idea that you and a group of Green Beretss could actually fight your way to Caracus. » No, that's again that is not what the plan was. » I mean, you were grabbed by Fisher, so I'm kind of questioning. » No, I think there's a lot of confusion. » So, I think there's some confusion for you about what the plan was. Um, » I'm talking about the reality versus and how the plan kind of ran up against the hard rocks of reality, » which the plan ran up against Yeah, I think the plan ran up against the hard rocks of the CIA sabotage, right? It's like when you have people in boats who are giving your GPS coordinates, right? It's that this is the this is the reality of it. the people in Venezuela. I mean, it's it's great to say that, you know, Maduro has a lot of support. He does. That said, there were generals that were very close to him that were not aligned with him, right? This was obviously infiltrated from the beginning. Um, and so I I understand that, but at the same time, it wasn't that hard to sell. Like, you know, Maduro was terrified of getting bombed by the US. He was watching these Iranian generals and I was well placed. I I had access to all three of those individuals. Uh and to be perfectly honest, it would have worked fine um if we had our link up because ultimately back then the belief near Maduro was that US invasion was imminent or some action was imminent. Uh and so it's not that hard. It's a pretty simple it's it's happened several times throughout history. You know, you get access and placement to people around the king and those people are the ones who do the heavy lifting. » And who who are the who are the generals? » That's I'm not going to these people have families. Um, so you it was said that Alcala's fighters had been infiltrated by Venezuelan intelligence and that's how they knew you were coming. U, but you're saying, let me just clarify something. You said that the CIA actually gave up your coordinates. » That's right. » Can you tell me more about that? » Yeah. So, there was communication between Lester Toed and George Bettton Courts. I guess there are compatriots in the camps. Uh, and obvious they're obviously they're reaching back to DNI, but there were conversations between DNI and men in the camps. Okay. » So, Nicholas Maduro, like the Maduro regime didn't really, they didn't have to do anything. They just had to, you know, go to the have their Coast Guard go to the right place at the right time. It wasn't the Maduro regime who infiltrated us. It was the intelligence community of, you know, Venezuela opposition/CIA. Okay. And why did they want to sell you out? because they did not like Alcala and they wanted to be the ones leading the operation down the road or was that » maybe I I think maybe the tactical level for the Venezuelans but they were getting a lot of money back then through US aid. I mean it was I mean billions and this is evidenced by the lawsuit that's going on right now with Juan Gaido in Delaware. So the CIA obviously has other interests. They were not interested in um removing Maduro. Uh they were more than happy to drag their feet. They just they didn't want to. Closing the embassy. Mike Pompeo I mean basically made it impossible to close the embassy in or it made it impossible for the CIA to operate out of Kacus, which is typically how something like that would be done. They would have done the exact same thing I did. If the if the CIA was going to flip the country, they would have done exactly what I did. They would have um gotten close to, you know, generals close to Maduro Cabo Tariq. Do you understand? Like » my understanding is they tried to do that. Um many Venezuelan officials have come out and said that they were offered loads of money to flip. Um, you know, I've interviewed one who said his basically his family was being blackmailed to get him to flip. Uh, Venezuelan generals, some of them have flipped. So, this was going on. But you're saying that » but it what what was missing from the CIA's plan or did they not actually seek regime change at that point? » I they absolutely did not seek regime change. I mean this is evidenced by the fact that the embassy was closed down and so because they weren't seeking regime change. I mean that that why else would the president or the you know president's inner circle come to me? So what what I'm what I'm telling you like the plan that I I came up with I didn't come up with it. This is had a long history of um use over the last you know whatever decades. It's pretty simple. you just get close to you get people close to the king and you have them do the do the work. Uh it's their country. That said, the CIA was never interested in regime change. And if you look at kind of what happens what's happening now in the news, I don't know that they are now, right? And so what is incentivizing them at the highest level? Well, they obviously have some sort of um apparatus, whether it's the drug trade or whatever. I mean, there's a reason they don't want to facilitate change in Venezuela, unless now they are aligned with the Trump administration, which I'm not sure. Well, there's been competing factions. I mean, you can see it play out through the conflict between Rick Grenell, who wants to negotiate with Venezuela and reap uh, you know, oil deals with the US. The New York Times reported Venezuela was willing to give up contracts with China and Russia in exchange for better relations with the US. And then you have Marco Rubio representing South Florida who wants to go for the full regime change and is it seems to be using the drug war as cover. They're escalating from attacking fishing boats. Many of them heading to Trinidad and Tobago supposedly with cocaine, basically extrajudicially executing alleged drug traffickers on the high seas to Donald Trump's pledge at Quantico to attack Venezuela on land supposedly to attack cartels who they now identify as naroterrorists. They're using a sort of terrorism designation. So this really does signal a major escalation. It's said that Grenell is isolated and Rubio's basically taken charge of the policy and Maria Corina Machado is supposed to be the the US asset that will come into power after Maduro and grant uh quote unquote democracy contracts to Trump connected businessmen on the day after she just got the Nobel Peace Prize. Um, you know, what are your thoughts on this whole operation? Does this make sense to you? And are they really aiming at uh installing Maria Karina Machado? I guess I'm just generally seeking your thoughts on it. I think you have I mean, listen, that briefs really well. Um, but to be perfectly honest, the only reason my plan would have worked is because of the connections that I developed close to the Maduro camp uh and Cabo and Tariq. Um, if that is not done and that is not established, then it's invasion. » Yeah, » it's invasion. There's nothing else. So, » and then it would be just a blood bath and a another migration wave to the north, » right? And how do you justify that, right? Like, how do you justify a country invading a much smaller country, much weaker country, although we did it in Iraq, um, Afghanistan, but and we went there for the resources, too. Um but and you participated in both of those wars and you you felt the moral injury presumably of those wars. » So I I think it's I think it's there there's several merits to I'm a soldier, right? So at the strategic level um or sorry the tactical level I understand that the certain component of the United States is always going to look down on soldiers. I totally get that. Um but at the end of the day we're really the only people who are going to defend this country against anybody. And so as a soldier we go where we're sent and we win where we fight. um to disparage a soldier is um it's easy to do that in a time of peace or when we're you know when we're taking part in actions that aren't popular obviously with Iraq we were there too long um in Afghanistan we were there way too long right one of my old units so fifth special forces group we won Afghanistan in uh 6 weeks we teamed up with the Northern Alliance and we actually decimated the enemy. Um that said, we moved in after the fact in order to facilitate big business um and large contracts. But what remains are the soldiers we still have to fight and we still have to defend and fight side by side and protect each other no matter how demonized we are by uh certain American people. Uh I much see Venezuela in similar light. Uh so you have told me that you have met with some of these men and and whatnot but so have I. One of the individuals I met was tortured for um 2 years. Another individual I met who was a captain um he was tortured as well for much longer. And so when you tell me that well you know that Nicholas Maduro and the regime they're they're kind of the good guys I have to be honest with you there's really no good guys in this. The Maduro regime is a very brutal dictatorship. The opposition government are equally, if not more brutal. And in my estimation, it's really the people who I was seeking to help and defend when I decided to do this initiative. And the way I did that obviously was to remove all of the bad actors from the equation. um Maduro being one of them, but also uh obviously I had to work with Gaido, but he was not trusted and he was not liked. I do the best I can, right? Uh and that's what I tried to do with Venezuela. I do not think it was at all hairrained. I think you are completely misunderstanding the intent of the operation. uh it is nuanced but I do think nowadays I I don't know how anybody can trust the fact that Maria Karina is in any way illegitimate. Um I think the elections in Venezuela have to be completely disounted. Um I think there has to be a a separate entity that provides fair and free elections. And I think that outside of all the opposition, all of these parties need to be younger leadership that step forward and actually take center stage if there's going to be any kind of true um you know freedom in Venezuela. Um why do you think Maria Karina Machado is not legitimate? because she's been involved in coups and uh potentially violent activity and has used undemocratic means to unseat the government or is there another reason? » Correct. No, correct. And I I think that when you look at Leap Lopez and Juan Guide and all of these groups, um any of the any of the opposition, Caprias, all of them. I you know h how do you as as a Trump administration even if you do bring about regime change let's say the CIA gets uh what what they tried to get what I got which is access and placement at the highest levels and somehow forcing Maduro great then what what's the power vacuum what's the you know what's how do you fill that power void because I'm here to tell you if you don't and I you know I I had planned for this but if you don't fill that power void then there's going to be civil war there's going to blood in the streets and this is what I want to this is what I initially wanted to hope to avoid. Um » no I agree completely. I mean they would have to purge chavismo which means millions of people would who have collect you know an organized social structure would have to be purged from society fairly violently and these these are armed many of them are armed uh for self-defense. So, I don't see how you avoid an internal blood bath or a massive migration wave if you just go ahead with an invasion. So, I I agree completely with you about that. Um, just in closing, uh, what can you tell us about your prosecution and upcoming trial? Um, and » well, listen, I I would love to be able to get to trial. Um, that would be amazing. » Yeah. Well, what's happening instead? » It is lawfare. I mean, you know, for an administration that's kind of uh hellbent on um Hold on a sec, Max. This thing's kind of acting. Sorry. Oh, wait. I have to try. There we go. Sorry. Um yeah, so for an administration that is, you know, ran on the fact that we're going to fight lawfare and we're going to go after weaponization federal government. Uh, seems like I'm being weaponized against pretty heavily. This is a political prosecution. It's pretty obvious. I think that I, like I said, I would love to get to trial. That would be amazing if I could be, you know, stay on the outside and and uh be able to um strategize with my lawyers, but the reality is the prosecutors are working incredibly hard and uh to put me back in jail and they want me behind bars so that I don't get access to classified information. There's a ton of it. Um, obviously if they put me in jail right now, it's it would be me fighting to get classified information for years and years and years. Um, forcing myself to stay in jail. So, I I'd rather stay out of jail and just force them to give me classified information. Uh, which it's taken oh, I don't know, over a year to get just discovery that is not classified. So, there is obvious uh government involvement here and um I don't know. Let's see your cards. I'm ready to go to trial. Well, we will definitely be following up with you and particularly if you go to trial and manage to obtain classified info which will presumably corroborate and confirm many of the claims you've made to me about highlevel Trump administration and US intelligence involvement in this plot. Um, is there anything else you want to add before we close? Yeah, I I think that I don't really have to tell you about it, Max. It's in the Discovery. You can read about it. » Well, we'll be publishing that discovery at the Grey Zone and featuring it right here. Uh so, Jordan Gudau, former Green Beret and the face of Operation Gideon, thanks so much for joining us at the Greyzone. » Cool. Thanks, Max.

2025-10-21 18:37:24

kuchinster

kuchinster@hub.hubzilla.de

Trump Administration Authorizes Covert C.I.A. Action in Venezuela
The development comes as the U.S. military is drawing up options for President Trump to consider, including possible strikes inside the country.

https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/15/us/politics/trump-covert-cia-action-venezuela.html